Art practice is now understood primarily as a vehicle for the reflection of modes of reception and theory rather than as a mode of making…Paul Crowther
It is improbable that more nonsense has been written about aesthetics than about anything else: the literature of the subject is not large enough for that (Clive Bell)

Index

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The Index is found here
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Monday, January 30, 2023

Sutton: Age of Rubens - Preface and Flemish Precursors

 



 

Rubens (1577 - 1640), Self portrait, 1623



This book is the catalog for the 1994 "Age of Rubens " exhibit at the Toledo Museum of Art. 

How did I miss it ???    It certainly would have been worth the four-hour drive from Chicago.


 An amazing self portrait, centered around the artist/diplomat’s penetrating eye.
Unlike Rembrandt, he was not a man for introspection.

This piece was given by the artist to the Prince of Wales (later Charles I) to atone for a commission which the artist's hand had never touched. Pity that the king had a sharper eye for art than politics..




Rubens, Garden of Love, 1630-1635, detail

 

Selected on the premise that paintings of the highest quality are the most historically representative and eloquent, the show is comprised of works of acknowledged excellence as well as paintings whose merits may have been overlooked.......curator, Peter Sutton 


This premise is the wishful thinking of an aesthete - but being one as well, it' s how I'd like all exhibitions to be assembled.  Mediocre paintings - no matter how useful they’ve been to those who commissioned or bought them -  do not belong on the walls of an art museum. BTW - it does appear that Sutton’s career in museum management peaked in the 1980’s when he was chief curator of European painting at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. His last twenty years had him leading an arts and natural history museum in Greenwich.

Curator’s Preface


The Age of Rubens traces the origins and development of the prevailing styles and themes of Flemish baroque painting, specifically as they relate to the religious and secular concerns of the era. The triumph of this art was to fashion a new form of painting that was neither a mere graft on the indigenous naturalistic tradition, which would flourish just to the north in Holland, nor a slavish adaptation of the international classicism exported from Italy, but an innovative amalgam of the two, with its own unique combination of vitality and grandeur. This new vision had a special relevance for all levels of society. Powerful incentives for baroque painting were provided by the official patronage of the Counter Reformation; altarpieces and other religious decorations were ordered in unprecedented numbers by the Church, foreign princes, and the Roman Catholic court. However, Flemish artists also worked for secular patrons - guilds, confraternities, magistrates, and wealthy burghers - as well as the open market. A great variety of new representational practices arose to fulfill devotional and other expressive needs no longer satisfied by older artistic conventions. 

 
At its core, Flemish baroque painting also presents a famous art historical anomaly: whereas most great movements of art occur during periods of growth, Flemish seventeenth-century art flourished amidst war, foreign domination, social diaspora and relative economic stagnation. Paradoxically, while the art of Rubens and his contemporaries expressed optimism, health, sumptuous well being, intellectual curiosity and excitement, during his career his homeland saw diminished or contracting expectations and economic decline. For some critics Rubens has even seemed a false representative of the national patrimony - the lush hothouse product of an international array of elite patrons. However for other viewers his development has made him the standard-bearer of a spiritual renewal and dynamism that inspired his country until well into the nineteenth century. There can be no simple mechanistic explanation of cultural life, but a closer examination of the economic and social history of the period reveals a brief reprise from hardship just preceding and during the time of the Twelve Year Truce which brought a new national promise. A vital factor in this efflorescence was the surge in official activity patronage. The sumptuous and dignified court of the archdukes favored a few court painters, but more important was the Catholic restoration that infused all aspects of culture and daily life. The forces of the Counter Reformation transformed the Spanish Netherlands into one of the most fervently Catholic nations on earth. Religious orders multiplied and, especially under the Jesuits, infused all levels of education. While strict orthodoxy was enforced in curricula and a censorious eye cast upon expressions of free thought, intellectual life in Flanders and Brabant nonetheless remained vital. Antwerp became a major center of religious publishing and the court in Brussels a cosmopolitan refuge for persecuted Catholics. Indeed it is a testament to the national promise that in 1609 Rubens chose to remain in the country rather than return to his beloved Italy. The official spiritual charge to Rubens and his colleagues was to fashion a new art that would at once edify, convert, and arouse ever greater religious fervor. Paradoxically, the same Church that had tried to defeat and discredit the humanists also sought to fuse the spirit and ideals of the Renaissance with their own religious and cultural imperatives. Rubens and his fellow painters responded triumphantly not only with a new Counter Reformation iconography (particularly stressing the Passion, the Immaculate Conception, and the Assumption of the Virgin, as well as the sacrament of the Eucharist and the doctrine of transubstantiation) but also a formal language that revived and vitalized classical form. The result was the most militantly religious art in Europe.


A succinct conflation of art and history.


We may note, however, that the history of art, per se (the "Life of Forms in Art"), or of European spiritual life, is not going to be addressed. Except, perhaps, obliquely.  "Militant religious art" is not a positive phrase.  Could it be applied to any other period of art in world history? 


But in the late twentieth century Rubens and Flemish art, particularly for American audiences, is an acquired taste. Only superficially is this aversion related to modern canons of proportion - the taste for the skeletal fashions of Vogue or the angst and anorexia of Egon Schiele; after all, Rubens himself, in his unpublished treatise on antique sculpture, berated his contemporaries for neglecting physical fitness and falling short of the ancients' ideal of the classical human form. More fundamental is the skepticism and unease felt by viewers in our highly secularized, egalitarian age when presented with devout and hieratic art, spiritually informed and proselytizing painting, art at the service of organized religion and the state. Contemporary sensibilities treasure instead the private artistic statement, its idiosyncrasy and traces of individual emotion. In such a solipsistic climate, baroque art's celebration of the exterior aspect of gesture, of the shared ideals of authority, society, and faith can be misconstrued as mere grandiloquence or bombast. Yet this generous rhetorical language can speak again with a universal grandeur and eloquence. The Age of Rubens is dedicated to making this language intelligible once more, and to making Flemish baroque painting more accessible and meaningful for modern museum visitors.


Hopefully,  Sutton will not be "making this language intelligible" by only explaining its iconography.  If  the paintings  are no more than text - then  their virtues can be no greater than "mere grandiloquence or bombast."

The two Rubens’ pieces he's already shown have much more than that
 

Now he'll set the table with brief introductions to the leading Flemish painters c. 1600


 



INTRODUCTION




Marten de Vos (1532-1603), Virgin and Child Welcoming the Cross, c. 1600


The leading artist at the beginning of this period was Marten de Vos who trained with Frans Floris (1519-1570), the most influential Antwerp history painter in the mid sixteenth century.
 
 Sutton briefly discusses the religious iconography of this piece, but that does not redeem its pathetic formal quality that is almost bad enough to make it feel ironic.  (BTW, the artist was a Lutheran who converted to Catholicism)



Frans Floris, Fall of the Rebellious Angels, 1554
(Not included in this exhibit)

Yikes! De Vos did not have much in common with Floris,  his teacher,  who regretfully was crushed by an eruption of fanatic iconoclasm that destroyed much of his life’s work. A real tragedy. The above compares well with Michelangelo’s Last Judgment, done 20 years earlier.


Hendrick de Clerck, Moses Striking the Rock, 1590
(Not in this exhibit)



Many of the monumental and colorfully decorative features of de Vos's art were taken up by his pupil Hendrick de Clerck (ca. 1560/70-1629) 

 
the dense composition and the elaborate poses of a work like de Clerck's Moses Striking the Rock at Mara ca. 1590 make a conspicuous show of formal torsions and exaggeration that are wholly in the mannerist spirit. The subject of this painting, like other Old Testament themes which gained favor at this time, typically revives the medieval tradition of Christological prefigurations recommended by the Council of Trent; the shepherd and savior of his people, Moses was an important forerunner of Christ, and the spring that he created was regarded as a prefiguration of the sacramental waters of the Christian baptism. Old Testament prefigurations remained a prominent feature of Counter Reformation iconography, figuring for example in Rubens's decorative cycle for the ceiling of the Jesuit church in Antwerp 


Ok, the Christological iconography is there if you hunt for it - but it has no connection to the visuality of this painting.
 
I far prefer the text posted online by the museum that owns it:
 
The theme is apt for a dining room. The decorative nature of the picture, in which the subject matter seems less important than the presentation of a complex and figure-filled composition, is underscored by the abundance of serving vessels, the charming variety of the participants’ poses, the forest setting and a brilliant colourism. 

Actually -- I would like to completely ignore the theme - and awkward figures - and just view it as something like a colorful head scarf.
 
 Like a tapestry it serves much better to enliven a wall than as a window into an imaginary world.




Otto Van Veen (1556-1629), Triumph of the Catholic Church, c. 1620
(Not in this exhibit)


More progressive and influential proved to be the contemporary efforts of Rubens teacher, Otto Van Veen, who advanced a stolid new form of classicism characterized by an unprecedented stillness and substance

Conceived as a processional with biblical and allegorical figures, the Triumph of the Catholic Church shows all the power, authority, and dogmatic earnestness of van Veen's heavy art. 







Giotto’s  figures were heavy and earnest as well,
but they were not so wooden and broken as these.




Otto Van Veen, Allegory of the Temptations of Youth (undated)
(Not in this exhibit)


In addition to substantial altarpieces, van Veen also painted elaborate allegories with mythological figures, like his Allegory of the Temptations of Youth (inscribed: typvs inconsvlte ivventvis, "image of thoughtless youth") which depicts a young man tumbled to the ground by Cupid and Venus, who sprays a stream of milk from her breast at his mouth, while Bacchus extends a shell full of wine toward him. Their assault is countered by the god of Time, who restrains Venus, while Minerva, goddess of Wisdom, deflects the stream of milk. The painting expresses an obvious moral message. In dwelling on the struggle between sin and virtue, between human lusts and appetites, and chastity and abstemiousness, the work expresses a spirit of stoic restraint and reason that Rubens later often adopted in his own allegories.? The greater animation of this allegory relative to the Triumph shows that while van Veen's personal artistic instincts favored a static ponderousness he could energize his figures when the subject called for it.






Van Veen looks good in overall pattern - and  in a few select areas of detail.




Otto van Veen, Amazons and Scythians (no date)
(not in this exhibit)

This piece feels like a miniature - though it’s 6 feet wide.

It reminds me of this one - which really is a book sized miniature:
 
 
 

 Jean Bourdichon, Bathsheba, 1498
 
 
 
 
It’s quite modest compared to Ruben’s’ "Battle of the Amazons",
and I wish it were painted by Titian,
but the theme is so sweet and dreamy.
What could be more alluring ( as well as puzzling) than warrior women 
 throwing off their armor to present their naked bodies to an army of grateful guys.




Rubens, Battle of the Amazons, 1617-18
(not in this exhibit)
 
 
 

Abraham Janssens, Pan and Syrinx, 1620




  
A far more original and trenchantly plastic classicism was developed around 1605-1607 by an Antwerp painter who was nearly a generation younger than either van Veen or van Noort. Abraham Janssens's(ca. 1574-1632) importance for seventeenth-century Flemish painting has surely been underestimated. He was the most talented history painter active in Antwerp during the years immediately preceding Rubens's return from Italy. Jansens perfected his own forceful new style with large, monumentally conceived figures of an unprecedented sculptural solidity, but with a capacity for graceful movement.
 


Quite sculptural indeed - the above is the best example  that I could find - probably because it's just two figures and some drapery. I like this artist's luminosity and sense of volume - but I'm uncomfortable in the surrounding space. It feels like all the air has been sucked out.
 
His earliest dated painting, the Diana and Callisto of 1601 still is conceived in the tradition of late mannerist art, recalling more diminutive paintings by Hans Rottenhammer (1564-1625) or even Paolo Fiammingo. However the figures already display a new and vaguely pneumatic buoyancy that has more in common with the art of Jacopo Palma than that of any Northern artist. 
 

Janssens, Adoration of the Magi, c. 1605



By 1605 Jansens had achieved a greater plasticity, stronger contrasts of light and shade, and a new brillance of color (see the Adoration of the Magi, dated 1605.. With a less crowded and more subdued composition, the Saint Luke Altarpiece of 1606 and the gracefully resolved and monumental Raising of Lazarus dated 1607

 
 

 
Abraham Janssens, Mary Magdalene, early 1620's ??


The artist's densely compacted, half-figure compositions constitute a separate group. They are difficult to situate chronologically, but few seem to predate ca. 1610, and again owe more to northern precedents (Jan van Hemessen, Jan Massys, Frans Floris, Abraham Bloemaert, and, of course, Rubens) than to Caravaggio. The splendor and coloristic opulence of these works is especially well appreciated in Janssens's Mary Magdalene.




Simone Vouet, Mary Magdalen, 1614-15

Here’s a contemporary French version,
also showing the eyes looking aside
but more prim and saint-like,
less voluptuous, less sumptuous.
(BTW - Wikipedia has a long list of paintings on this subject)







Janssens, Heracles and Omphale, 1607
Thank 

The Hercules and Omphale, also dated 1607 resolves its athletic composition with far greater confidence and agility than, for example, van Veen's only slightly earlier allegory. The subject is the playfully erotic story told by Ovid in which Hercules successfully seduced the Lydian queen with wine, kicking the pesky Pan out of their bed, in effect assuming the lascivious fawn's role. Hercules' blindly obsessive love for Omphale threatened to emasculate the hero; a more commonly depicted episode from their love story shows the two figures reversing the attributes of their gender roles. For the seventeenth century, the debasement and humiliation of Hercules, usually an exemplar of virtue, carried a clear moral warning against the destructive potential of lust. 

Edouard Joseph Dantan, Hercules and Omphale, 1874


This gender role reversal has inspired painters for two millennia.

I prefer Dantan’s version. It may not rise above illustration,  
but it’s so bright, airy, and … um…. silly.
The Janssens feels claustrophobic and cluttered -
despite its "trenchantly plastic classicism"

Janssens, Venus and Adonis, 1620

Also from the 1620s are several handsome bucolic outdoor scenes which Jansens executed in collaboration with the landscapist Jan Wildens (1586-1653); see, for example, the Venus and Adonis

Not really a painting -  more like a pleasant wall covering.
Not especially erotic, despite the subject. 
Not really human bodies - more like a collection of parts at a doll makers shop.

Jan Brueghel the Elder (1568-1625), Flowers in Wooden Vessel, 1606-7 (detail)
 
Pieter Brueghel the Elder ( 1525/30 - 1569) was a hard act to follow.  Jan was only one year old when Pieter died, but he still grew up among artists.

I prefer the floral, shown above, to his many history paintings.  
It is wonderfully intense, complex,  and eruptive.

Pieter Brueghel the younger (1564-1638), Country Brawl, 1610

Here is Jan’s older brother - working in the idiom of his father.
It’s uglier - but so too, perhaps, we’re the times.
He could have been a Chicago Imagist.





Pieter Bruegel the Elder, Triumph of Death, c. 1562



Jan Brueghel the Elder, Triumph of Death, undated







Sutton points out that Jan copied one of his father’s most famous paintings.
Many of the differences could be accounted for by aging, restoration, or quality of online reproduction. But still — a different spirit seems to inhabit each.
Jan lives up to his nickname: "velvet Brueghel"
Pieter was cut from a coarser cloth.





Cardinal Federigo Borromeo "Even the most insignificant works of Jan Brueghel show how much grace and spirit there is in his art. One can admire at the same time its greatness and its delicacy."


Frans Franken the Younger, (1581-1642)
Cabinet of a collector, 1617



Frans Francken the Younger, Power of Love




Tobias Verhaecht, Alpine landscape, 1600-1615

Sutton tells us that Verhaecht (1561-1631) was Ruben’s’ first teacher (for two years), but gives him no further mention - presumably because Rubens did not follow him into landscape painting.

But I enjoy his cosmic, fantastic, panoramic visions.
They remind me of this earlier Flemish piece that I grew up with in Cincinnati:



Joachim Patinir, Sacrifice of Isaac, c. 1540
Patinir is credited as the pioneer  of "world landscape"







Adam Van Noort (1562-1641), John the Baptist, 1601

This is another of Ruben’s’ teachers.
Sutton has nothing to show us since he left " little or any stylistic influence" 
on his two famous students, Rubens and Jordaens.
He does appear more proper than inspiring.


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Sunday, November 27, 2022

Rise of Landscape Painting in France —- Conclusion

 

Maurice de Vlaminck, The Village, 1908-9

No conclusion was appended to the book because it’s not a monograph on art history -- 
 it’s the catalog for an exhibition of French landscape painting between 1830 and 1870.
 
  Kermit Champa never wrote a history of French painting from that period -  or the one that followed  - perhaps because it could not be published. He somewhat suggested that below:

"Sociological, political, and psychological analyses, because of their presumed basis in solid written documentation, have increasingly come to dominate the study of what is arguably the most art-full of all moments in the history of Western painting: the period from the mid-1870s to the mid-1890s in France."

He went even further when he wrote:

..There is a conception of art history which sees nothing more in art than a "translation of life" (Hippolyte Taine) into pictorial terms, and which attempts to interpret every style as an expression of the prevailing mood of the age. Who would wish to deny that this is a fruitful way of looking at the matter? Yet it takes us only so  far--as far, one might say, as the point at which art begins.

But he may never have written such a book anyway. He shows a preference to focus on individual paintings as he does in this catalog. Broad, sweeping generalizations appeal to him less than actual works of art - though he does offer a recurring theme throughout this catalog: the connection between painting and concert hall music of that era.   I'm familiar with Brahms, Wagner, Berlioz etc - and though I can see an occasional connection - it's at a level of generality that doesn't really engage me.

 

 So much of the text in this catalog sailed right past me.



  

Corot, Festival of Pan, Taft Museum

 

  It was good, however,  to re-visit my old friends from this era and think about the ongoing  civilization that continues to encompass them.

The title of the exhibit is what mostly provoked  me :  are we really seeing " the rise of landscape painting in France " - or are we witnessing its spectacular sunset ? or both ?


Andre Derain, 1907

I’ve posted the landscapes of two major museum artists who
 still tethered their their paintings to the observed world. 

But after the Fauves —- then who ?

Robert Antoine Pinchon (1886-1943)

A fine painter from the same period -
but good luck finding his work outside France.

Georges Charles Robin (1903-2003)

A more  academicized variant who lived into the new millennium. 

Nicolas Curmer, b. 1974, Face a la Mer, 2021



And here’s work from a contemporary Frenchman.  It’s offered online  for a thousand Euros.

For me, it’s as compelling as many of the pieces in Champa’s catalog,
but at that price, the artist is hardly making a living.

French observational landscape painting may be alive and well -
but it’s being practiced  way outside the mainstream artworld.  It's probably hard to see in France, and impossible to see in Chicago.


Courbet, The Painter's Studio, 1855

Why did the artworld soon turn  away ?

I blame Courbet! -- not really -- but he's an early example of an artist who attracts attention  by intentionally confronting or even shocking the public. 
 
 
Courbet, Origin of the World, 1866
 
 
 
 This was the birth of the avant garde and its domination of artworld economics.  Fifty years later, Picasso made it perpetual - as well as amassing more wealth than any artist before him.

With his uniquely forceful approach to landscape painting, Courbet might have been the founder of a  great tradition in painting instead of self-promotion. There certainly are contemporary painters who are inspired by his work -- but they are way off  the radar of the artworld.
 
Art needs to look great when it confirms the prestige of  tribe, king, priest, or state.
It only needs to appear surprising, challenging, or innovative
when sold as an investment to the business class. 

Catalog essays did somewhat address the business side of landscape painting back then - entry in the Salon was much prized.  It probably increased the prices that artists could demand - much more, say, than an MFA might do today.  But there was no discussion about the collectors.  Were any institutions buying for themselves?  How was the secondary market handled?  And I wonder whether anything like a CV of exhibitions and buyers was used for promotion.

The French Academy typically plays the role of the stodgy enemy of creativity in most of these artist’s biographies.  Yet eventually most (if not all) of them are admitted. Perhaps it deserves some credit for drawing so much attention to standards of excellence - even as they are continually evolving. 

 
 
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Christopher Campbell, Deluge #16, 2022


This contemporary artist is in the aesthetic tradition of the painters in this catalog.
As a PHD candidate, he assisted  Professor Champa in putting it together. A footnote tells us that his thesis queried the personal relationship between Pissarro and Cezanne.

As it turns out, he eventually decided he's rather make art history than teach it.
He has a rather innovative practice in observational landscape painting.

*********

Anne Horus

..and here’s a local artist ( Baraboo, Wi.) 
He’s not French (Frisian actually)
but he does seem to represent the European tradition rather well.

*********

If you’re reading this post,
you probably recognize a difference
between landscape paintings that are only a pleasant inventory of details,
and those of exceptional form.

Our  world needs a website that collects images of the latter -
similar to the one I made for 20th c. Figure sculpture












Thursday, November 24, 2022

Rise of Landscape Painting in France - the catalog: Michel to Troyon

 Georges Michel


1836-37

Georges Michel (1763-1843) restored, copied, and improvised in the style of  17th Century Dutch landscapists - primarily Jacob van Ruisdael. He worked in obscurity until discovered by Jacque and Dupre.  They applauded him as their forerunner - though he was discovered too late to have influenced the development of their style.

I assume that if someone wanted an old master Dutch landscape, and did not care when it was made, he was your man.  So far as I can tell, his pieces were unsigned, un-titled, and undated.  Attribution  is problematic.









These pieces found on the internet look especially promising.

The Met owns two paintings but neither is now on view.
I’m doubting I will ever see his work.

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Millet

 My first question  is: 
  why are so many of Millet's figure paintings
 included in this exhibition of the "Rise of Landscape Painting in France"?

The text answers it by telling us that Millet lived in Fontainebleau and  was good friends with Dupre and Jacque.  And he might be considered the inverse of Rousseau ( Millet painted figures that invoke the natural world, Rousseau. did the reverse). But that only explains why he would be included in the exhibit - not why so many figure-centric paintings were chosen for display.

The text connects Millet’s figuration with that of Daumier - but doesn’t give it much more attention. Isn’t Millet the forerunner of the noble peasant in the social  realism of the 20th century?  He’s more idealistic  than predecessors like Courbet and Greuze.







Man turning the soil, 1847-1850
( one of 42 Millet oil paintings at the Boston Museum. )
 
Feels almost biblical -
after the Fall, Man must live by the sweat of his brow.
Maybe that's how Millet's American collectors saw it.




Summer, The Gleaners, 1853
 
This sort of painting
possibly  inspired Winslow Homer
and other American rural scene painters of 
the following decades.




 

The present exhibition brings together a highly characteristic grouping of Millet's significant peasant images from the 185os and early 1860s. Perhaps most remarkable is the small Summer, The Gleaners. In this image, figures and the landscape of haystacks form a complex of powerfully rhymed shapes which seem to grow "naturally" from one another in a heavy, almost decorative choreograph. The color too is remarkably elaborated - not so much in hue as in the extended value range of red-oranges and in the enlivening complement of blue. The combination of graphic and coloristic control of rhythm apparent in this painting in particular demonstrates the emergence in Millet's works of an aesthetic individualism that from this point on will move parallel with that of Corot and Rousseau without in any sense being directly aligned with the works of either in form or In feeling.


This text seems well put,
and the painting  seems a cut above the other Millets I’ve seen in person.


Farm at Gruchy, 1854
 
More about man and nature 
than an invitation for personal reverie.


Millet Family home at Gruchy, 1854



If one looks at the comparatively rare attempts Millet made at pure landscape imaging in the 1850s, his Family Home at Gruchy for example, one finds a weight of vegetation, topography, and architecture stressed. The sense is of an impacting of adjacent elements. Millet seems to want a kind of figural bas relief to join every. thing; he wants, in other words, the landscape to behave figurally, even when it is not figural.


The same thought crossed my mind: this is landscape treated as solid volumes rather than feathery lines or atmospheric smudges. This is in the tradition of sculptural bas relief.









Washerwomen, 1855


Water Carrier, 1855-62
If she looked younger and more vulnerable,
 this could be Bouguereau

End of the Hamlet at Gruchy, 1856
 
We're told online that this is a scene from the artist's boyhood.
He was quite taken by that lone, bent tree persistently facing seaward.


The Knitter, 1856
 
This one's in Cincinnati,
but I can't remember ever seeing it.
Apparently it didn't grab me -
and still doesn’t.
 

Peasant Woman Guarding her Cow, 1857

In the Auvergne, 1866
 
This one is in Chicago - so I've studied it often lately.
It feels folkloric.



Old Woman with Flock of Turkeys, 1872-3
.. might be still from a horror movie.
The old crone is certainly looking ominous.
 
Millet's images increasingly move at a tempo which is uniquely theirs; that tempo and the expression it convevs are, somewhat remarkably, most intricately manifested in the artist's post-1865 landscapes, in which the gravity of works from the 185os gives way to a whole range of surprising, and by traditional standards, off-balance motif constructions that push the spectator's eye back and forth, up and down, in a highly animated, nervous way. As has often been noted, Millet and Rousseau had by the mid- 1860s become avid connoisseurs of Japanese woodblock prints, and while the effect of that taste in Rousseau's work remains somewhat elusive, it forms an exceptionally significant part of Millet's late landscape imaging practices. Where but from Japan could Millet have gained the inspiration to use asymmetries, disproportional spacings, and decorative conversations between silhouettes and "open" areas with the abandon he ultimately manages?


These two post 1865 pieces do feel weird - maybe experimental - and different from the earlier work - but don’t see an obvious connection to Ukiyo-e.



Millet’s move away from the figure to the decoratively "figural" landscape, influenced by the Japanese print, seems at first inconsistent and discontinuous. Yet it is possible to interpret the operation as one of replacement. The Japanese woodblock print's continuous schematic decorativeness is readable, and was (one might argue) read by Millet as pictorially mythic. Standing in a controlling posture between ornamental convention and incidental representation, the Japanese printmakers had the means to calibrate expression precisely through alternating stress and gloss and through manipulative surprises for the spectator. This kind of control, in degree if not in type, had been an essential attraction of the monumental figure in Millet's works in the 18gos. With the parallel Japanese demonstration seen operative in landscape as well as in figural motifs, landscape takes on a kind of safe attractiveness for Millet which it had never had before. 


"alternating stress and gloss"
might be a good insight,
but I have no idea what it means.

The later Millet landscapes would exercise a considerable effect on Monet's work in the aesthetically turbulent years of the early and mid-1880s. Numerous references, of varying degrees of directness, appear from Millet in Monet's many paintings executed (as so many of Millet's were) on the Normandy coast. Millet references combine with equally frequent ones from Japanese prints in Monet's work of this period, restating their recognizable expressive/decorative relationships in no uncertain terms. In the same years, the young Seurat is looking at carefully at Millet, too, and not at the Japanese Millet. Rather, in his ambition to produce paintings with the complex structural precision of system characteristic of music, in A Sunday Afternoon on the Island of the Grande Jatte as a prototype of what Seurat felt painting might aspire to be both as structure and symbol.

 

 Examples of Monet referencing Millet would be appreciated!

The reference to Seurat must be purely speculative

. (otherwise some evidence would have been offered)


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Monet


Haystacks near Chailly at Sunrise, 1865




In Haystacks near Chailly at Sunrise and The Pointe de la HĂšve at Low Tide, one sees the extremes of Monet's early imaging modes - the former broad and schematic in both color and surface construction, the latter composed of an extraordinarily wide range of brushmarks which trace the complex of (distant) coastline, beach, and water both as contrasting zones of color and of color elaborated by natural texture.





Pointe de La Heve at Low Tide, 1865

I see these two paintings (or, actually, the reproductions of them) as mostly about pictorial space.  Space sweeps dramatically backward in the Haystacks, while it steps back incrementally in La Heve - all with an intensity of organization.




Walk, 1864


Bazille, Studio on Furstenberg St., 1866

Note: Monet’s "Walk" leans against the wall on the right.

Fine evidence of the artist community to which Monet belonged.
What are the historical precedents
of young artists painting for each other?


Street in Saint Andresse, 1867



Two years later in c. 1867, the Street in Sainte-Adresse combines the extremes of the schematic and the intricate. A broadly distributed complementary color contrast of various blues and autumnally yellowed greens works along with high value grays in the middle of the image to strike a very bright and resonant chord that seems guided by carefully constructed relationships of shape that proceed differently to the left and right of the central church steeple. Without looking highly contrived, the image delivers its feeling through a judicious balance of believable natural incident and arbitrary decorative control of color and shape. The paint structure remains comparatively neat and finished in a work which was likely intended for submission to the Salon.


Can’t we find  both the broadly distributed and intricate in most landscape paintings ?

What’s unusual here is that that a narrative confrontation inhabits the center:  mother and child facing off against a man who might be the father.



Bridge at Bougival, 1869


All traces of neatness or any other manner of concession to a conservative viewing public vanish in the aggressive vibrancy of both color and paint structure in the 1869 Seine at Bougival. Paint marks and what they represent compete for the viewer's attention. Solid shapes, shadows, water, and foliage blur representationally (in spite of the existence of a "welcoming" road on the right side). Pictorial space is largely siphoned out in order that the tapestry-like intensity and the variety of hue are displayed at every point. Not one but several color chords are struck simultaneously.


It does seem that "paint marks and what they represent compete for the viewer’s attention" .. and "pictorial space is siphoned off’’ on behalf of surface intensity. And yet — we are invited into the image by a mother and child, front and center. They are crossing a bridge - we must follow.


And the composition is rather daring: a path in the exact center, turning neither right nor left burdens the design with a symmetry that must be defeated.





Village Street, 1869-71


This exhibit only includes examples of Monet’s work from his mid to late twenties. His primary concern appears to be a thrilling arrangement of pictorial space.  The more colorful pieces begin to appear in his thirties. So the following assertion might better apply to later paintings and a different exhibition;




The primary concern of Monet's landscape imaging would be to make pure color relationships stand for broadly defined nature-based sensations. The process would never be one of simply matching painted color to natural color as it had largely been in Constable and late Daubigny. Instead, color relationships in Monet's works combine in an ultimately endless variety of ways the experience of viewing nature and painting directly from it in the out-of-doors with the differentials of feeling induced by the simultaneous activity of looking and painting. Simplifications of various descriptive sorts and exaggerations of color intensity and color contrast (until they are made to match seeing and feeling) - in other words, all manner of schematic artifice - can be considered up to the outer limits of something like representational plausibility. A loose and highly variable paint structure, alternating regular and irregular brushmarks, serves Monet in two ways: first, to theatricalize representational plausibility through technical assertions of spontaneous response to an "actual" moment of nature (here, he invokes the predictable viewer tolerance for the exclusions and inclusions of the traditional sketch); and second, to allow the artist the freedom to tighten or loosen color passages at will. A virtually absolute freedom of stress is what Monet wants and what he miraculously manages almost from the first. His stresses come from himself. They come from within the maker and are deposited in the forms of the painting.


This discussion of "freedom of stress" seems both promising and puzzling. Perhaps it’s another way of saying that the pieces feel light, upbeat, and breezy as compared with most of the earlier landscapes in the exhibit. Perhaps that’s because the artist appears to be painting reflected light rather than objects.
 
 
Nature, or more concisely, the spectator's understanding of it, would never be the same after Monet had finished imaging it. His willful persistence in making nature behave in accordance with his color feelings caught a science-gullible public unaware. That public came to believe and continues to believe in Monet the researcher, rather than in Monet the magician and aesthetic conjurer. Smartly, Monet never said anything to contradict his public's belief, and he managed by keeping quiet to make the world willingly believe that nature looks like an Impressionist painting. There were a few disbelievers at first, but their complaints soon faded against the collective desire of spectators to be lusciously deceived by works that were truthful only in the radical beauty of their original feeling which was authentic in a creative sense rather than a descriptive one.
 
 
 
Cliff Walk at Pourville, 1882

The above text would apply much better to this piece from ten years later.
However, I do appreciate it’s assault on conventional art history.
on behalf of aesthetics as opposed to scientific progress.

(By the way, the above composition is similar to "the Bridge at Bougival" in that we are invited to move directly forward into the center, cutting the canvas in two, with water sinking to our left and land rising to our right. Something like a yin-yang symbol)


Over the next five decades, Monet would learn great deal technically both about color and supporting painting construction, but he would never lose the taste for aggressively spectator-challenging freshness that he developed even before 1870. His art would never be any more or less original, and the basic character of the originality would remain constant. Once he had accomplished his great forward mutation of landscape imaging, all that was left for him was to cultivate ingeniously what was in essence a post-Realist terrain that he had in fact invented and over which he remained absolute master.



Once again, the text confronts a canonical art history that primarily celebrates the originality of Monet’s haystacks, cathedrals, and water lily ponds.

And this is as good a place as any to remark that this exhibit is NOT really about
"LANDSCAPE PAINTING IN FRANCE COROT TO MONET’
…..it’s about observational French landscape painting from 1830-1870
-- except that it does not include Cezanne.


Does "post realist terrain" refer to paintings where "paint marks and what they represent compete for the viewer’s attention" ? If so I’m puzzled because that is usually the case in paintings which I’m enjoying.

BTW, Monet occasionally painted in the style of other French artists -
as seen in this exhibit from local collections that  was mounted in Chicago a few years back.
 
 
 

******************

Pissarro


Path Near the River by La-Varenne -Saint-Hilaire, 1864

Already by 1864, in small paintings like Path by the River, the essential character of Pissarro's imaging process is evident. There is a composite gesture toward Corot in the setup of the motif and toward Courbet in the physical density of the paint structure and the earthbound quality of the color. What IS distinctively Pissarro's about the picture is, first of all, the desire to graft Corot's atmosphere to Courbet's material weight, and, second, the carrying out of the grafting with a studied, craftsmanlike deliberateness that attends simultaneously to the broad structure of the whole image - the major pictorial incidents - and many more minor graphic and coloristic ones as well. The paint construction literally looks serious and, by implication, attentive to caretully studied appearance. Yet the serious look has a strictly aesthetic side as well - a side that theatricalizes the handmade and the original. Pissarro's feeling (his emotion) is expressed with a dignified worker's accent, but also demonstrates a considerable degree of material sophistication about the sensuous attractiveness and expressiveness of painting per se. In its deliberate tempo, Path by the River displays Pissarro's temperament (as Emile Zola enthusiastically termed it) as much as it displays nature, and one realizes that there is considerably more to the artist's seeming truth to nature than simple passive description. Works such as this one, while independently complete and pictorially resolved in their complexly developed two- and three-dimensional signals to the viewer, ultimately served Pissarro in the mid-1860s as models for larger works destined for the Salon. Path by the River was one of probably several models used to produce Pissarro's masterpiece of the period, his 1866 Banks of the Marne, Winter (Chicago, Art Institute).


Banks of the Marne (not in this exhibit)
 
 Here is what the Artic.edu website says about this piece


Exhibited at the Salon of 1866, this landscape was made by Camille Pissarro in deliberate opposition to the pastoral scenes of his mentor and unofficial teacher Camille Corot. Instead of using various brushes to create a beautifully crafted and refined surface, Pissarro loaded his paint on heavily, often with a palette knife, in emulation of Gustave Courbet. The subject, an empty rural winter landscape, is resolutely unpicturesque and purposefully devoid of the great oaks and ancient ruins of traditional Salon landscapes.



It’s picturesque in that it has a kind of beauty — even if a terrible kind - a grim, cold, wintry day

I love this painting - it’s ferocity always captures my eye whenever I enter its gallery.

The "Path Near the River" feels half baked emotionally if not technically.  I am quite ready to accept the implication that it primarily served as a testing ground for the greater painting that followed.



 


Route de Versailles, Louveciennes, Rain Effect, 1870





By 1870 it is obvious that Monet's representation of nature in terms of hue has begun to affect Pissarro's work strongly. Working first at Louveciennes and then in London, the artist applies Monet' exciting demonstrations of schematic color into what appear to be motifically appropriate places. Pissarro uses complementary color relationships in response to particular motifs and moments of nature, and overall, he adjusts the color scale upward in terms of value. Motifs remain unspectacular, even everyday, in views of roads, fields, and valleys with some vernacular figures included, but the painting structure is anything but everyday. Grids, webs, and geometrically forceful perspective shapes become decoratively active, and in doing so, a nervously animated, purely pictorial rattle against ostensibly simple, natural images is produced. Similarly, Pissarro's touch becomes looser and more variable. It is accountable both to descriptive and decorative emphases almost equally.


This rainy piece contrasts nicely with Monet’s sunny "Bridge at Bougival" (1869) - and I see a personal confrontation on the road as central to both paintings - though here it’s more casual and a bit humorous: the man’s dog will serve as intermediary.   The catalog text ignores any possible narrative.


The forms feel broken as if from raindrops on a window or the surface of the eye itself.
 It’s a delightful, atmospheric ambience.



Near Sydenham Hill, London, 1871







Pissarro's early work, that which is of the most importance to the present exhibition, derives a good deal of its special character from the length of Pissarro's student experience as well as from the somewhat discontinuous nature of that experience. Born in St. Thomas in the then-Danish Virgin Islands, Pissarro had his formal grammar schooling in France between 1841 and 1847, but practiced landscape painting first in St. Thomas and, traveling with a Danish friend, in Venezuela. Only in 1850s did Pissarro commit himself firmly to an artistic career in France. When he did so, he undertook (besides some brief Beaux-Arts-type instruction) to learn by eye the composite landscape achievement of the generation of 1830 supplemented by that of Courbet and Daubigny. While obviously respecting Corot enormously (even listing himself as a Corot student in several Salon catalogues), Pissarro seems from the earliest of his truly professional works, those produced after 1862, to have been unable to accept the personalisms of late Corot - the improvisatory, "musical" effects that had become so predominant. Both aesthetically and politically, Pissarro was committed to remaining closer to nature, and he seems to have considered the persistent practice of working out-of-doors with constant access to the real motif, characteristic of Daubigny, Boudin, and the young Monet, a mandatory one. A lifelong socialist, if not a particularly noisy or radical one, Pissarro would never be ideologically comfortable with anything that smacked of romantic conjuring. Even while permitting his pictorial taste to be stretched by Japanese prints, Monet's art, and later, Cézanne's, Pissarro would never fully abandon his commitment to and his belief in the material reliability of the effects he built into his landscapes.

Like Watteau and Claude, Corot  summons the viewer to a happy place of retreat ( and I do like to follow them).  Like Greuze and Courbet, Pissarro confronts rather than withdraws.  Monet offers the possibility of doing both simultaneously - perhaps by being happily self centered.



It is the realist/naturalist side of Pissarro's early work that so distinguishes it from that of Monet. Pissarro's career in the 1860s traces by degrees the metamorphosis from mid-century landscape practice to something much closer to the decoratively emphatic, forcefully colored work of post-1865 Monet. What Pissarro manages is to make the metamorphosis seem inevitably natural rather than willful. In his 1870-71 work, there is always a feeling of discovery through observation to counterbalance the increasingly radical character of effects developed via color and paint structure. Pissarro believed that his effects meant something different from Monet's, that they were more true to life rather than just true to his creative selt. Whether they were or not is beside the point; Pissarro thought they were and this belief that they were is what made it ideologically possible for him to participate significantly, even enthusiastically, in the freewheeling color-spectacle that was mid-1870s Impressionism. 


Though it's only an unsubstantiated speculation, I agree that. "Pissarro believed that his effects meant something different from Monet's, that they were more true to life rather than just true to his creative self’. As I opined above,  Monet was a bit more self centered.


 The combination of coloristically emphatic decorative stresses and the apparently ordinary moment of vision that develops in Pissarro's work is uniquely confusing, seen in the company of works by Monet and Sisley. The schematic arbitrariness in matters of color that the latter two artists feature leaves the viewer reassured as to the fact that a painting, rather than a rendering of nature, is being offered up for scrutiny. Pissarro never quite permits this degree of reassurance, and the viewer is kept excitingly off-balance, not knowing whether to look at a picture as an artifice or some sort of record of seeing. Pissarro hangs art and science on the same thread. His durability as an artist of both a generic Impressionist and personal sort rests in his sustaining a high degree of ambiguity regarding what, precisely, his pictures are about. Being the great painter he was, Pissarro probably had no more certainty in this respect than did (or do) his spectators.



Having tried this theory [ a variant of pointillism ] for four years and having then abandoned it ... I can no longer consider myself one of the neo-impressionists ... It was impossible to be true to my sensations and consequently to render life and movement, impossible to be faithful to the effects, so random and so admirable, of nature, impossible to give an individual character to my drawing, [that] I had to give up."
... Pissarro

This quote lifted from Wikipedia would confirm the catalog text above it.  Whatever techniques he would try, the  artist  always wanted to be faithful to nature.



*****************

Renoir


Portrait of Jules Lecouer at Fontainebleau, 1866


The Portrait of Jules Leoeur at Fontainebleanmfrom 1866 is Renoir's first serious attempt to do a modern figure painting out-of-doors (or at least  begun out-of-doors). In certain respects it is a more conservative effort than Monet's roughly contemporary Women in a Garden or his slightly earlier, unfinished DĂ©jeuner surnl'herbe (Paris, MusĂ©e d'Orsay). On the other hand, it is a highly compelling demonstration of the maturing of Renoir's manner of pictorial construction. The impacted combination of the figure, the dog, and the heavily overgrown forest setting, enterable only by a path, is developed in an equally impacted, almost impenetrable, fashion by Renoir's color and his application of paint. Without reference to Monet's schematically intense hue changes in comparable images, Renoir deploys a fairly wide range of values in natural greens, blue-greens, and yellow-oranges. The blue-orange complement is softly stated, so that the color stays closely bonded to the elaborate figural and landscape character of the motif and to the equally elaborate paint structure. Working with brushes of various sizes and with a palette knife, Renoir constructs a pictured form of continuous low relief (in the sculptural sense), merging elements identifiable as bits of three-dimensional figuration (trees and figures per se), space, and apparently flat or semi-flat surfaces. The whole image moves across the picture plane almost without focus. As it does so, a very abstract condition of unity - a half-tactile, half-visual one - develops. This condition is powerful and as idiosyncratic as Monet's clearly shaped, emphatically two-dimensional chromatic unity, but it is very distinctive in its effect. It is tempting to call it more informed by music in the sense that it features varieties of technical stresses and voicing operating simultaneously and that it requires more spectating time to be penetrated.


Monet’s 8-foot “Women in a Garden" visited Chicago a few years back and I was surprised at how awkward, silly, and banal it felt. The above reproduction of a Renoir is far more engaging.  I like the suggestion, made above, that it’s been composed as a continuous low relief - though with its emphatic threads of color, it feels to me more like a tapestry. Either way, pictorial space is not an issue.

As with many Renoir paintings, the emotional content feels like a big, wide, beaming smile.  Some viewers may that too shallow or ordinary — but I’m just fine with it - and smile back.


Clearing in the Woods 1865


Given his passion for music, it seems likely that Renoir sensed, if only subconsciously, the important role that concert music, acting as an aesthetic model, had played in the art of the great landscape painters of the generation of 1830 and of Delacroix as well. In his own 1865 Clearing in the Woods, his taste for the musically ingratiating, rhythmical and lyrical softness of Diaz's work is evoked in a way to mitigate somewhat more forceful aspects of the paint construction,executed with the palette knife and obviously emulative of Courbet. In addition, this picture develops a comparatively extended value range in green particularly and adds small-scale but quite intense accents of a complementary red. The color structure seems vaguely responsive to Monet, while the setup of the motif recalls, in its open foreground and horizontal emphasis, the contemporary work of Sisley as well. Yet the painting has a recognizable personality of its own. Its complex weave of various paint textures and innumerably soft-edged shapes give it a pictorial density, distinct from anything in the works of Monet or Sisley. This density is, in musical terms, polyphonic or multi-voiced in character. The eye is made to follow parallel but different sensuous paths in the color and the paint construction and to proceed at different speeds in comprehending the pictured space of the motif at various points.


This could be a good description of the actual piece.  The reproduction feels more prosaic. It’s a hot sunny day in the forest, and I’m beginning to get sleepy.


1893

In contrast, these later pieces ( not in this exhibit) feel rapturous

1893

Every bit as intense as Cezanne - just voluptuous rather than angular.
The hills are singing.

**********

Rousseau

Bridge at Moret,  1828-29


Old Park at St. Cloud, 1831-2


Rousseau's taste for the tragic/dramatic seems to have been with him from an early point in his career. The consistency of what he seeks out to feel with and through landscape is as remarkable as Corot's. And similar to Corot's work, Rousseau's does not really develop - rather it is refined. In works such as this exhibition's The Bridge at Moret (c. 1828-29) or The Old Park at Saint-Cloud (1831-32), Rousseau tested the post-Constable picturesque aspect of both image and technique practiced at the same time by Corot and Isabey, but already his motifs are idio-syncratically grave and emphatic in the manner of their presentation.






Rousseau, Hoarfrost, 1845



 By the mid-1840s, particularly in works like the Morning Frost, Uplands of Valmondois (Effet de givre), Rousseau's personal accent is absolutely clear in the almost unearthly, barren prospect of the land that seems virtually inflamed by the coloristically complex, yet at the same time almost iconic, sunset. What Rousseau will alter in his works (often very large in scale) of the 185os and 1860s is what he found increasingly disturbing about the confusion of expressive signals between paint construction (as an expression) and motif and color organization (as a counter-expression). He systematically abandons the former (as did Friedrich in his later work) so that a regular, seemingly envisioned rather than manually executed, deposit of the image parts is made to deliver all feeling, unimpeded by the material traces of manipulated paint. 





The Oaks, 1852


Dagneau Pond, 1858-60


Both The Dagneau Pond (La mare Ă  Dagneau) and Clearing in the Forest of Fontainebleau demonstrate the technical impersonalism of his mature manner of imaging. What he obtains through de-emphasizing his constructive trace is a sense of definitiveness and finality of expressive effect. All voices are exceptionally clear in an evocation of nature that seems absolutely certain of its emphases and its content. The spectator is usually held far back from the most imagistically animated parts of the paintings by the device of an uninviting and usually rather deep fore-ground field. Off and away from this, the many moods of landscape drama, more or less tragic, more or less epic, develop in front of the spectator's eyes, but out of his or her physical reach. There is no materialism permitted to be felt, because there is none permitted to be seen. Dancings and soundings, collected and dispersed by colored light, generate the entire expressive message in a narratively unspecific yet musically pure and intense fashion.


I certainly agree about the deep, uninviting foregrounds.

I’ll have to think about the ‘musically pure" next time I see it.







This is one of the dark, grim, soggy, severe Rousseaus that I grew up with in Cincinnati’s Taft Museum. They were definitely not my favorites there ( I adored the Constable and Corot), but I always stopped to gaze as I made my rounds.  They presented nature as I often experienced it:  cold, uncomfortable, unforgiving. They were reality — Corot and Constable were fantasy.


Clearing in the Forest, 1860-62




Trees Before a Rise, ( no date given )


In his greatest pictures, Rousseau presents landscape worlds which seem uninhabited, uninhabitable, unapproachable, and unknowable by anything but what the German philosopher Arthur Schopenhauer would likely have defined as the active human "will." Rousseau aims to construct a kind of metaphor for the space of the feeling mind. That mind is engaged both emotionally and meta-physically in images of apparently natural nature that at the same time seem open to totally nonrational signals of the incipiently surreal. This is the Théodore Rousseau that Henri Rousseau would later come to cherish.


"Incipiently surreal"?
O.k. - especially for "Clearing in the forest.
In " Trees before a Rise", however, my word  is "Gothic"
 
Possibly Rousseau balanced the one with the other.
Or perhaps he could not depict nature convincingly
unless it was cold, damp, and dreary.

Much of the text in other art history texts was apparently written by those who can neither see nor feel.
This catalog is so much better.

************

Sisley



Hill Path, Ville d’Avray, 1879 ( not in this exhibit)

Confined to  1830-1870,
 Champa’s exhibit does not include the ecstatic kind of Sisley paintings
 that I seek out.

The two pieces that were included feellike they could have been done by others - 
and not especially Monet.-
  But the catalog text would disagree:





Chestnut Trees at La Celle Saint-Cloud, 1865




Just how well Sisley used Monet is evident in the two mid-1860s masterpieces included in the present exhibition. Both the Chestnut Trees at La-Celle - Saint-Cloud and the Village Street in Marlotte emulate Monet's recent work in a composite fashion. The landscape recalls several of Monet' nearly contemporary Fontainebleau works, while the view of Marlotte is reminiscent of Monet's 1864 Farmyard in Normandy (Paris, Musée d'Orsay). Where Sisley's two works differ from Monet's is in the greater elaborateness of their motifs. Both are more representationally intricate, more topographically informative, and far less decisively schematic in terms of color and shape. Sisley's viewing aspect seems wider than Monet's. The middle of the paintings are less the focus of attention and the motifs extend generously outward to the edges of the canvas. This tendency to expand, rather than focus, looks like a residue from the mid-century landscape practice of Corot, Daubigny, and Rousseau. Sisley's preference for it is somewhat conservative in the mid-1860s, but certain pictorial emphases are made possible by holding to this tendency and those emphases are clearly of some importance to the artist. Individual decisions relative to color, paint structure, and shapings within a particular image carry less weight than they do in comparable Monets. Sisley is free to deal more gently with the spectator. He allows his images to unfold slowly, even prosaically at certain points. The numerous individual topographical features in the Saint-Cloud painting are comparatively clear. Trees are varied and distinct in type and position. The blue-green, red-orange color chord is struck lightly by Monet's standards, and it moves evenly through the entire image rather than pulling it together decoratively around emphatic shapes.


This carefully written text reflects so much careful observation, it’s a pity I can’t dagree with any of it. beginning with the assertion that these two paintings are "masterpieces". But I might feel differently if I had been spending weeks with all these paintings.







Village Street in Marlotte, 1866



Many of the same characteristics appear in the Marlotte picture. Even though the motif is predominantly architectural and composed of buildings at different angles to the picture surface (as well as occupying different locations in the pictured space), the effect of Sisley's view is emphatically lateral. The foreground reduces to a horizontally stretched triangular area. The architectural middle ground simply elaborates in scale and number several shape variations on the distended triangle, and the same is repeated in softened form in the foliage background of the painting's left side. The sky shape is then a rambling inversion of the foreground. The intricacy of Sisley' shapings seems to respond again to a desire for variety in the distribution of texture and tone as well as for more informative detail overall. There is a good deal to look at in the picture, and the specific conformations of motif elements are reasonably clear. Again Sisley seems to alter Monet's more abrupt simplifications in favor of a greater diversification of pictorial incident, including a complexly fore-shortened (frontally viewed) woodcutter, who, besides being interesting in a sort of picturesque way, also serves via his blue-gray smock to introduce the blue-gray, yellow-orange color complement that threads its way throughout the picture.


Monet:  Farmyard in Normandy, 1864



Renoir, Clearing in the Woods, 1865


Sisley’s "Chestnut Trees at Saint-Cloud seems to have much more in common 
with the above scene by Renoir - and both feel 100% Barbizon.

Corot, Village in Normandy, 1865

This late Corot seems to have much in common with Sisley”s Marlotte, 
and was done only a year earlier.

************

Troyon 




View of Saint-Cloud, 1831





Perhaps the most distinctive Troyon in the present exhibition is the earliest one, the View of Saint-Cloud of 1831. Besides being highly informative topographically in terms of landscape and architectural elements, the painting manages to join this informativeness to a broadly dispersed group of variously costumed figures in the foreground in such a way as to evoke a distinctly eighteenth-century fĂȘte galante ambience. Information is combined with loose, poetic feeling easily, even brilliantly, as Troyon unifies the image with a consistent treatment of rather bright natural light and a comparatively uniform scale of brushmarkings. The latter are sufficiently small and delicate to accept clearly drawn edges when such are necessary, and the painting as a whole shows, as clearly as any Troyon ever will, what broadly informed taste and technique alone make expressively possible.


"Highly informative" ? — without doubt. — visually exciting ? —- not so much.

But then many Golden Age Dutch scenes are the same way.






Descent from Montmartre, 1850’s


Troyon even manages to approximate a seventeenth-century Dutch edginess in his treatment of light. Descent from Montmartre reflects Delacroix and Jacque, depending on what aspect of the picture one examines. 



This is the only piece in this exhibit that makes me think of the 18th C. French academy you  - it’s theatrical with actors, dramatic lighting, a stage, and a painted  backdrop.
 I find it tiresome.







Pasture at Touraine, 1853

Troyon grew fond of the 17th  C. Dutch painters of cattle - like Paulus  Potter. 
A convincing representation -  but  as somnolent as the cows.


 
 

 

The Game Warden, 1854

Seems to have come from the world of Chardin.

Belongs above the fireplace in a hunting lodge.